Boris Chicherin was one of the largest Westerners of the second half of the 19th century. He represented the moderate liberal wing, being a supporter of a compromise with the authorities. Because of this, his contemporaries often criticized him. The Soviet government did not like Chicherin for criticizing socialism. Therefore, only today can we impartially evaluate the significance of his activities.
early years
Boris Nikolaevich Chicherin was born on June 7, 1828. He was a native of the Tambov noble family. His father became a successful entrepreneur selling alcohol. Boris was the first-born of his parents (he had six brothers and a sister). All children received a quality education. In 1844, Boris, together with his brother Vasily (father of the future People’s Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the USSR) moved to Moscow to enter the university. A prominent liberal Westerner Timothy Granovsky became the teacher of the young man. He advised his protege to go to law school, which he did.
Boris Nikolaevich Chicherin graduated from the university in 1849. The period of his studies saw the heyday of the Nikolaev reaction that came after the defeat of the Decembrists. Freedom of speech was limited, which, of course, did not like the liberal-minded population. Boris Chicherin belonged precisely to this layer. Another important event of his youth was the European revolutions of 1848, which significantly influenced the formation of his views.
The most striking events were in France. The young man at first joyfully accepted the news of the revolution, but later became disillusioned with this method of social development. Already at a venerable age, he was inclined to think that the state cannot progress in leaps and bounds. Revolution is not an option. We need gradual reforms, and not the "quackery of demagogues" who are at the head of a discontented crowd. At the same time, despite the disappointment in the revolution, Boris Nikolaevich Chicherin remained a liberal. For Russia, he actually became the founder of constitutional law.
In Nikolaev Russia
The starting point for the politico-philosophical views of the thinker was Hegel's doctrine. Chicherin eventually rethought his metaphysical system. The Thinker believed that there are four absolute principles - the root cause, rational and material substance, as well as spirit or idea (i.e. the ultimate goal). In society, these phenomena have their reflection - civil society, family, church and state. Hegel argued that matter and mind are only a manifestation of the spirit. In politics, this formula meant that the state absorbs all other entities (family, church, etc.). Boris Nikolaevich Chicherin was repelled by this thought, but did not agree with it. He believed that all four of the above phenomena are equivalent and equivalent. His political views throughout his life were based on this simple thesis.
In 1851, Chicherin passed the exams and became a master. His dissertation was devoted to the topic of public institutions in Russia in the 17th century. The views of professors of that era were fully consistent with the sacred idea of Nicholas I about "Orthodoxy, autocracy and nationality." Therefore, these conservatives did not accept Chicherin's dissertation, since he criticized the 17th-century political system. For several years, the young man unsuccessfully encircled the thresholds of the professors so that the text would nevertheless “pass”. They managed to do this only in 1856. This date is not random. In that year, Nicholas I was already dead, and his son Alexander II was on the throne. For Russia, a new era has begun, during which such "frontier" dissertations were accepted on an equal basis with the rest.
Westerner and statesman
From an ideological point of view, the biography of Chicherin Boris Nikolaevich is an example of the life and work of a Westerner. Already at a young age, he attracted the attention of the country's intellectual community. His articles, published at the beginning of the reign of Alexander II, in 1858 were collected in a separate book, "Experiments on the History of Russian Law." This selection is deservedly considered the basis of a historical-legal or public school in domestic jurisprudence. Chicherin became her pioneer along with Konstantin Kavelin and Sergei Soloviev.
Representatives of this direction believed that state power is the main driving force of the whole country. Chicherin also developed the theory of enslavement and emancipation of the estates. His point was that at a certain stage in historical development, Russian society allowed serfdom to appear. This was due to economic and social reasons. Now, in the middle of the XIX century, such a need disappeared. State historians advocated the liberation of the peasants.
Journalistic activity
Alexander II, who came to power in 1855, in the lost Crimean War realized that the country needed reforms. His father kept Russian society in a frozen, so to speak, canned state. Now all the problems got out. And first of all, the peasant question. Changes were felt immediately. A public discussion has begun. She turned around on the pages of newspapers. The liberals had the Russian Bulletin, the Slavophiles the Russian Conversation. Chicherin Boris Nikolaevich joined the discussion of social and economic problems.
Westerner quickly became a popular and recognized publicist. Already in his youth, he developed his own style, consisting in numerous references to the centuries-old history of the Russian state. Chicherin was not a radical liberal and a "fighter against the regime." He believed that the autocracy will be able to cope with the accumulated problems if it implements effective reforms. The task of the proponents of democracy was seen by the publicist in helping the government, not its destruction. An educated layer of society should instruct the state and help it make the right decisions. These were not empty words. It is known that Alexander II read newspapers of all political organizations every day, analyzing and comparing them. The autocrat was also familiar with the works of Chicherin. By nature, the king was not a Westerner, but his pragmatism forced him to make concessions to the "progressive public."
Chicherin Boris Nikolaevich remained a supporter of absolutism also because he considered this system effective when it came to making unpopular decisions. If the autocratic power decides to carry out reforms, it will be able to do so without looking back at the parliament and any other form of opposition. The decisions of the king were executed by the vertical system quickly and unanimously. Therefore, Boris Chicherin was always among the supporters of centralization of power. The Westerner turned a blind eye to the vices of this system, believing that they will pass by themselves when the state completes the first fundamental changes.
Disputes with associates
In Soviet textbooks, the biography of Chicherin Boris Nikolaevich was considered casually and incompletely. Socialist power contradicted many of the ideas that this jurist defended. At the same time, even during his lifetime, he was criticized by many of his fellow Westerners. This was due to the fact that Chicherin advocated a compromise with the authorities. He did not seek sharp changes, mindful of the year 1848.
For example, the writer believed that in an ideal state there should be representative bodies of power, including parliament. However, in Russia, he did not see the conditions for creating such institutions. Society was not yet sufficiently developed for their appearance. It was a balanced position. In serf Russia, with its mass illiteracy of the peasantry and the public passivity of the majority of the population, there simply did not exist a political culture that could be compared with the standard Western one. Most of the liberals and haters of the autocracy thought differently. These people considered Chicherin almost an accomplice of the regime.
For example, Herzen compared him to Saint-Just, the inspirer of terror and the Jacobin dictatorship in revolutionary France. Chicherin met him in London in 1858. Herzen lived in exile, from where, thanks to his active journalistic activities, he exerted a significant influence on the state of Russian minds. Chicherin in response to criticism of the author of the novel "Who is to blame?" replied that he "does not know how to keep a reasonable middle." The disputes of the two most prominent writers ended in nothing, they parted without agreeing to anything, although they had mutual respect for each other.
Criticism of the bureaucracy
The historian and publicist Boris Nikolayevich Chicherin, whose writings did not criticize the basis of the autocratic system (monarch’s sole power), highlighted other obvious problem areas of the Russian state. He understood that the dominance of the bureaucracy was a serious flaw in the administrative system. Because of this, even intellectuals have to go to officials in order to achieve something in life, B. Chicherin believed.
The biography of this man is a biography of a native of a noble family who achieved success thanks to his diligence and talents. Therefore, it is not surprising that the writer saw the need for a united layer of influential landowners who advocated liberal reforms. It is these enlightened and wealthy people who could become a barrier to the dominance of bone officials, on the one hand, and anarchy, organized by the lower classes, on the other.
The bureaucratic sedentary and ineffective system was opposed to many, and B. Chicherin consisted in these ranks without a doubt. The biography of the writer includes an interesting and revealing fact. After he became a professor, he was entitled to the rank of state adviser. However, the publicist refused him and did not get a mark in the ranking table even “for show”. By inheritance, he received from his father a part of the family estate. Being a prudent and neat landowner, Chicherin was able to save the economy. Throughout the life of the writer, it remained profitable and profitable. This money allowed us to spend time not on public service, but on scientific work.
After the abolition of serfdom
On the eve of the peasant reform, Boris Nikolaevich Chicherin (1828-1904) went on a trip to Europe. When he returned to his homeland, the country became completely different. Serfdom was abolished, and society was torn from disputes about the future of Russia. The writer immediately joined in this controversy. He supported the government in its endeavor and called the Regulation on February 19, 1861 "the best monument of Russian law." Then at the two main universities of the country (Moscow and St. Petersburg), the student movement intensified. Young people spoke with a variety of slogans, including political ones. The leadership of higher education institutions hesitated for some time and did not know how to respond to unrest. Some professors even sympathized with the students. Chicherin advocated satisfying the requirements of students regarding their direct educational process (improving conditions, etc.). But the writer criticized the anti-government slogans, considering them to be ordinary youthful ardor, which will not lead to anything good.
Chicherin Boris Nikolaevich, whose political views, of course, were Westernistic, nevertheless believed that the country first of all needed order. Therefore, his liberalism can be called protective or conservative. It was after 1861 that Chicherin’s views were finally formed. They took the form in which they remained known to posterity. In one of his publications, the writer explained that protective liberalism is a reconciliation of the rule of law and power and the beginning of freedom. This phrase has become popular in higher government circles. She was highly appreciated by one of the main close associates of Alexander II - Prince Alexander Gorchakov.
True, such a principle did not become fundamental for future decisions of the government. Weak power and shy measures - that’s how Boris Nikolaevich Chicherin characterized it in one of the publications. A brief biography of the writer says that his life was soon marked by an important event. His articles and books were popular with the king. A direct consequence of this attitude was Chicherin’s invitation to become the mentor and teacher of Nikolai Alexandrovich - heir to the throne. The historian happily agreed.
Teacher tsesarevich
However, a tragedy soon occurred. In 1864, Nikolai Alexandrovich went on a traditional trip to Europe. Among his attendants was Chicherin Boris Nikolaevich. The photo of this writer increasingly came to the pages of newspapers; he became a significant figure among the Russian intelligentsia. But in Europe, he had to temporarily stop his journalistic activities. He was busy with the heir and, in addition, he became ill with typhus in Florence. Chicherin's condition was terrible, but he suddenly recovered. But his pupil Nikolai Alexandrovich was less fortunate. He died of tuberculous meningitis in Nice in 1865.
The story of his own recovery and the unexpected death of the heir to the throne greatly influenced Chicherin. He became more religious. In Nikolai Alexandrovich, the teacher saw a man who in the future was able to continue the liberal transformation of his father. Time has shown that the new heir turned out to be a completely different person. After the assassination of Alexander II, Alexander III curtailed reforms. Under him, another wave of state reaction began (as under Nicholas I). Chicherin lived up to this era. He was able to see firsthand the collapse of his own hopes regarding the children of the liberating king.
Teacher and writer
After recovering and returning to Russia, Chicherin began teaching at Moscow University. He began the most fruitful period of scientific creativity. Since the second half of the 60s. fundamental books were regularly published, the author of which was Boris Nikolaevich Chicherin. The main works of the author concerned the state and social structure of Russia. In 1866, the philosopher and historian wrote the book "On Representation of the People." On the pages of this work, Chicherin admitted that the constitutional monarchy is the best state system, but the conditions necessary for its approval have not yet been formed in Russia.
His work went almost unnoticed in the circles of a progressive public. Boris Nikolaevich Chicherin on liberals of that time once spoke directly and frankly - it is pointless to write deep scholarly books in Russia. All the same, radical supporters of democracy and revolution will miss them or accept them as yet another reactionary work. The fate of Chicherin as a writer was indeed ambiguous. Criticized by contemporaries, it was not accepted by the Soviet government, and only in modern Russia did his books for the first time undergo an adequate, objective assessment outside of the political environment.
In 1866, Boris Chicherin finished teaching and devoted himself entirely to the compilation of scientific books. The writer resigned in protest. He and several other liberal professors (who also demonstratively left their posts) were outraged by the actions of the rector of Moscow University, Sergei Barshev. He, together with officials from the Ministry of Education, tried to extend the powers of two conservative teachers, although these actions were contrary to the charter.
After this scandal, Chicherin moved to the Karaul family estate in the Tambov province. He wrote continuously, except for the period 1882-1883, when he was elected the mayor of Moscow. As a public figure, the writer was able to solve many economic problems of the capital. In addition, he attended the coronation ceremony of Alexander III.
Main works
What are the most significant books left by Boris Nikolaevich Chicherin? The Philosophy of Law, published in 1900, became his final generalizing work. In this book, the writer took a bold step. The idea that the legal system may have its own philosophy was disputed by then influential positivists. But Chicherin, as always, did not look back at the majority opinion, but consistently and firmly defended his own position.
Firstly, he condemned the widespread belief that law is a way of confrontation between different social forces and interests. Secondly, the author turned to the experience of ancient philosophy. From ancient Greek works, he derived the concept of "natural law", developing it and transferring it to the Russian realities of his time. Chicherin believed that legislation should come from the recognition of human freedoms.
Today we can safely say that the founder of Russian political science is precisely Boris Nikolaevich Chicherin. He wrote about liberalism and other ideological trends at a young age in numerous articles. In the 80-90s. the scientist was directly involved in the theoretical side of politics. He wrote fundamental books: “Property and the State” (1883), as well as “The Course of State Science” (1896).
In his writings, the researcher tried to answer a variety of questions: what is the permissible scope of the administrative machinery, what is the “public good, what are the tasks of the bureaucracy, etc. For example, analyzing the role of the state in the economic life of the country, Chicherin criticized too much interference by the authorities. The theorist believed that in this part of the economy, private initiative should come first.
Boris Chicherin died on February 16, 1904. The week before the Russo-Japanese War began. The country finally entered its 20th century, full of turmoil and bloodshed (the first revolution soon broke out). The writer did not find these events. But even during his lifetime, he was aware of the danger of political radicalism and did his best to prevent a catastrophe.