The October Revolution and the collapse of the Russian Empire influenced world history, one of the key roles in these events was played by Alexander Kerensky. The biography of a politician is filled with ups and downs.
Assessment of his personality still causes controversy in historical and political circles. However, its significance for the history of Russia cannot be denied.
Origin
The ancestors of Alexander Fedorovich belonged to the clergy. According to the politician, all the great-grandfathers he knew served in the church. Presumably, they lived on the territory of the Penza province, since there is the village of Kerenki. Historians associate the name of Kerensky with this ethnonym. Alexander's father, like all his brothers, entered the seminary. However, church affairs did not inspire him. After graduation, he began to teach. And after some time he graduated in Kazan. The mother of Alexander Fedorovich was a hereditary noblewoman. Her father held a high post in the Ministry of War. From her grandfather she got a huge fortune. Therefore, her wedding with a teacher from Kazan caused a conflict with her family.
Alexander's childhood
Fyodor Kerensky, by coincidence, even before the birth of Alexander taught another well-known politician and revolutionary - Vladimir Lenin. Two families (Ulyanovs and Kerensky) maintained friendly relations and often communicated with each other. Moreover, Fedor takes care of the children after the eldest son of the Ulyanovs is executed for treason. At that time, it was extremely difficult for relatives of political criminals to enter a prestigious educational institution or get a government job. Vladimir Ilyich was able to enter the university largely thanks to the recommendation of his teacher.
In the eighty-ninth year, the Kerensky family moved to Tashkent. There, Alexander is in high school. He has the image of a successful student. He is fond of acting and music, often takes part in amateur productions. Grammar school ends with a gold medal. A year later, a new student arrives at St. Petersburg University - Alexander Kerensky. The biography of a politician was predetermined precisely in his student years.
First revolution
In 1904, Kerensky Alexander Fedorovich graduated from the Faculty of Law and began advocacy. At the same time, he became acquainted with the socialists. On January 9, nine hundred and fifth, a procession to the Winter Palace takes place. Ordinary people wanted to express their dissatisfaction with the domestic political life in the country to the emperor. However, the peaceful procession was brutally crushed by soldiers and Cossacks. Criminal proceedings were instituted against those activists who survived Bloody Sunday. Alexander Kerensky joined the bar association that defended the accused.
In addition, Kerensky wrote articles for various socialist press. One of the newspapers where Alexander’s notes were published was Petrel, which was censored. They came to the lawyer with a search, during which they identified weapons and several revolutionary leaflets.
After that he was taken into custody. Kerensky was kept in the famous Crosses until the spring of the nine hundred and sixth year. After that, the charges were dropped from him, but nonetheless sent to Turkestan.
The family of political refugees from the capital did not stay in Tashkent for long. Four months later, Kerensky returns to St. Petersburg. Despite threats from the police and the recent expulsion, Alexander is again returning to participate in resonant processes. This time he acts as a defender of several peasants who staged a pogrom of estates. Up to nine hundred and ten takes part in a number of other high-profile processes.
In January, Kerensky Alexander Fedorovich becomes a jury attorney. The new appointment significantly untie the hands of the lawyer. He continues to adhere to the line of defense of socialists and revolutionaries. After some time, in a new position, he becomes the head of the defense of the Turkestan Socialist Revolutionaries. Despite the pessimistic forecasts, he manages to protect the defendants from the death penalty.
The next high-profile process of Alexander was the work of the Armenian radicals. At the same time, an investigation was launched into the execution of peasants in Lensk, which received an all-Russian response. After that, the police began to repress all lawyers and public figures who spoke on the side of the striking workers. Despite constant pressure from the government, Alexander Fedorovich manages to continue to move up the career ladder. In the thirteenth year, the chairman of the Fourth Congress of Trade and Industry Workers was elected, and Kerensky became him. The biography of a high-level politician begins precisely after this appointment. A year later, Alexander was elected to the State Duma. At this moment, he has to leave the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, as they decide to boycott the elections. Therefore, Kerensky adjoins the little-known party of the Trudoviks, which he himself leads a year later.
Parliamentary entry
Political activity in the Duma gives the leader of the Trudoviks wide popularity both among the intelligentsia and among the common people. Deputies of all left parties envied his oratory. The fiery speeches of the former lawyer are always in the spotlight of the newspaper. In addition to his activities in the Duma, he is also a member of the paramason organization of the Great East. The main emphasis of this group, unrecognized by other lodges, was on politics. In the sixteenth year, Alexander became one of the most famous politicians in Russia.
Kerensky’s life is fraught with great difficulties. Constant pressure, police surveillance, poor health often lead to nervous breakdowns. Both contemporaries of Kerensky and his descendants recall poor health. Records have been preserved, from which it follows that Alexander repeatedly fainted from severe pain. But at the same time he continued to work.
In the sixteenth year, the war squeezed out all the juices from Russia. Contrary to the law banning the recruitment of indigenous peoples into the army, Emperor Nicholas decides to mobilize in Turkestan to make up for losses at the front. The local population reacts by rebellion to such a decision. To investigate the incident, the Duma creates a special commission, headed by Kerensky. After arriving in Tashkent, Alexander unequivocally declares that all the blame for the riots lies with the Ministry of the Interior and local officials. Such a daring statement gains sympathy from the liberals and the opposition to the existing regime.
February revolution
By the seventeenth year, a wave of dissatisfaction with the tsarist regime swept across the entire Russian Empire. Protests and rallies begin. Workers on strike. The situation is also heating up a huge number of deserters from the front. Ordinary peasants do not understand why a war is needed, on which hundreds and thousands of soldiers die every day. In the highest echelons of power, talk begins about the overthrow of the autocracy. One of the leaders in favor of such radical changes is Kerensky. The biography of a revolutionary begins with his famous February speech in the Duma. He openly calls for disobedience to imperial decrees, moreover, for the physical elimination of supporters of autocracy. The uprising begins.
Contrary to the will of Nicholas II, the Duma creates an interim government, which includes Alexander Fedorovich. He often speaks to ordinary people. Actively communicates with leaders of armed rebel groups.
In the spring of the seventeenth, he holds the post of Minister of Justice. As a former lawyer, he is well versed in the intricacies of the legislative system of the Russian Empire. Therefore, bold reforms immediately begin. Kerensky’s policy is characterized by decisive action. All revolutionaries are released from prison. Many repressed people return from exile and immediately begin to actively participate in political life.
The judicial system is fundamentally changing. Higher courts are abolished, a jury trial is being reorganized. Many judges and prosecutors are dismissed. Moreover, in some cases, the justification for this is the denunciation of attorneys.
Military service
Kerensky’s military activities began after the crisis of the Provisional Government. Entente Allied powers demanded that Russia continue to participate in the war. Moreover, many socialists critically examined this prospect. As a result, a conflict breaks out, threatening a split. But power makes concessions and creates a Duma coalition. Alexander Fedorovich receives the post of Minister of War. In the new post, he, as in the previous one, begins large-scale reforms. The most significant posts are received by his associates. Instead of experienced generals, people who took part in the February Revolution are put in. The post of the supreme commander in chief receives the Brusilov popular among the people.
However, new generals fail to turn the tide at the front.
Russian troops still suffer huge losses. There are still not enough shells. After the army reforms and the weakening of discipline, soldiers are massively deserting. One of the ways out of this situation is Kerensky. The interim government, in order to somehow stop the flight of troops, creates special voluntary "death battalions". As planned by the government, the presence of such units will have propaganda success and will return morale at the front.
Huge popularity among the people
At this time, Kerensky was very popular in Russia. He constantly speaks at meetings, making fiery speeches. The crowd adores him. Alexander Fedorovich carefully took care of his image as a “voice of the people”. He speaks in a French uniform in a military manner and wears a short hairstyle typical of ordinary workers. However, the revolutionary fervor subsides. The country has a severe economic and social crisis. In many places, food shortages erupt. The bold reforms of the army, which were initially accepted by the people with approval, did not bring any results. This crisis is used by the Bolsheviks. Rumors are circulating among the people that the government has entered into a conspiracy with the Entente and is ready to wage war to the end. Such news did not greatly delight people at the front. Many hoped that after the overthrow of the autocracy, they would be able to return home.
Kerensky and the 1917 revolution
In July, Alexander Fedorovich becomes the Minister-Chairman. He is supported by parliament. Head of Government Kerensky begins an offensive at the front. However, a crumbling army is unable to successfully fight. The offensive ends in failure. Some generals send troops to the capital to establish a military dictatorship and "restore order." However, the Provisional Government does not allow the passage of soldiers of General Krymsky to Petrograd.
Lenin and Kerensky are in opposition to each other. In October, it becomes apparent that the Bolsheviks are preparing a speech. The army finally collapsed. Soldiers everywhere organized lynching and seized power. Alexander Fedorovich dissolves parliament and actually becomes a dictator. At this time, the Bolshevik agitators set up the army and population to revolt. Under the authority of the Provisional Government there are practically no combat-ready units that could withstand rebellion. Kerensky is desperately trying to persuade the garrison detachments of Petrograd to his side, which leads to their complete transfer to the camp of the Communists.

As a result, the Winter Palace was taken by storm. Alexander Fedorovich managed to escape. The assessment of Kerensky’s personality from the perspective of the American ambassador was as follows. According to the diplomat, the Prime Minister not only did not show the leader’s ability in the crisis, but also fought exclusively for his image. He immediately dismissed any ministers who could gain popularity among the people.
Flight and Emigration
After the Bolsheviks seized power in Petrograd, Kerensky fled the city. He addressed various generals, but no one accepted him. As a result, he heads north. After some time, Alexander arrives in Finland. From there he flees to London. He begins political activity abroad. Turns to Western European politicians with proposals for immediate intervention in Russia. Lives in Paris.
After the capture of the city by the Nazis, he again flees, this time to the USA. In exile, he lives to be eighty-nine years old. Buried in London.
Assessment of the personality of Kerensky
Opinions about Alexander Fedorovich vary. Supporters of Soviet power and the October Revolution consider him a populist and a traitor to the people. His activity is assessed as counter-revolutionary. Kerensky’s characterization during the Soviet period was extremely negative. He was considered guilty of crisis and civil war. Nevertheless, negotiations were held in the sixties over his possible return to the USSR. However, they did not succeed. Left-wing historians agree that Alexander was too ambitious and greedy for power.
Opponents of the Soviet regime also consider Kerensky a traitor. However, in this case he is accused of inaction at a difficult moment for Russia.