After Vladimir Lenin retreated from activities in the CPSU (b), the process of redistribution of power began, which in Russian historiography was called "the internal party struggle in the USSR in the 1920s."
Brief background of the internal party struggle
The victory of the small but united Communist Party was akin to defeat. The popularity of the authorities fell, the peasants took up arms, and the workers left the cities. When the famine began in the country, it was clear that the discontent of the people could lead to the overthrow of the ruling party. Lenin then tried different methods, talked about the possibility of a return to the practice of terror, and approved a plan to destroy the opposition. The inner-party struggle in the 1920s began even before the death of the leader of the world proletariat, and even the “Letter to the Congress” (testament) of Lenin did not put an end to the redistribution of power.
The main applicants for the role of successor
By the beginning of the civil struggle, the health of the leader of the world proletariat was seriously undermined. The reasons for the internal party struggle in the 1920s were already known. After all, it will be necessary for someone to become the new ideologist and leader of the young state.
Already since 1920, a severe headache prevented Lenin from working normally. In 1922, he finally retired. In March 1923 he had a stroke (the third one already), so Lenin actually remained out of his mind. In his Testament, he did not name the successor, but singled out several Bolshevik leaders. They turned out to be Stalin, Bukharin, Trotsky, Zinoviev, Kamenev and Pyatakov. Together with the merits of politicians, the leader also pointed out their shortcomings. In the eyes of contemporaries, Trotsky could become the most likely substitute. In practice, he became the second person in the country during the Civil War. Trotsky’s merits to the Communist Party are also undeniable.
Another possible successor is G.E. Zinoviev - was a "student of Lenin" and one of the persons closest to the leader. But Zinoviev at one time opposed the October Revolution. Although Lenin himself later said that this episode should not be blamed on him.
Stalin, who, as you know, managed to get out of the internal party struggle in the 1920s and 1930s as a victor, was not too famous in comparison with Trotsky himself. But at the same time, Stalin confidently was one of the leaders of Bolshevism. His rapid rise to the heights of power began after the end of the war. If for Trotsky, for example, the army turned out to be a vocation, then for Stalin the organization of the state apparatus of the young state became such a vocation. In the internal party struggle for power in the 1920s, he was distinguished by extreme caution.
One of the main ideologists of the communist party for a long time remained N.I. Bukharin. He was the editor-in-chief of the newspaper Pravda, and in collaboration with Preobrazhensky wrote the ABC of Communism. In the "will", Lenin directly called him "the favorite of the party." For many years, Bukharin remained only a candidate for the Central Committee and, as many contemporaries believed, had no chance in the internal party struggle in the 1920s.
The situation was similar to the closest supporters of Bukharin - Tomsky, who headed the trade unions, and Rykov, who, after the death of the leader, received the main post of the Council of People's Commissars.
Stages of redistribution of power in the USSR
According to Richard Pipes, professor emeritus of Russian history at Harvard University , the internal party struggle in the 1920s went through the stages of real power concentration in an increasingly narrow group of high-ranking politicians. First, authority passed from the Central Committee to the Politburo. Then - from the Politbrewro to the so-called troika (Stalin - Zinoviev - Kamenev). Finally, the sole rule of Joseph Stalin was established.
The “Intraparty struggle in the 1920s” table with the main opponents and the causes of the disputes will also help navigate the stages.
The split of the party and the struggle against the "workers' opposition"
The split in the ranks of the Bolsheviks began even before the death of Lenin. The Bolshevik party in the early 20s of the last century consisted mainly of representatives of the radical intelligentsia, while it positioned itself as a "working class". In the first composition of the Council of People's Commissars there were only two workers (Shlyapnikov and Nogin), and three were nobles. The number of workers in the Communist Party exceeded 50% only by 1923. This was preceded by a general purge of 1922-1923, during which the number of RCP (b) was significantly reduced.
Settlement of Moscow's relations with the outskirts
After the problem with the "workers' opposition," the question arose of regulating relations between the central government and national suburbs. Stalin, who was involved in nationalities, then failed to advance his project of "autonomy." Under Lenin’s pressure, another law was adopted - a draft of the Union of Republics, according to which all national entities received their own state symbols (within the framework of a one-party system, all these attributes of statehood were exclusively decorative).
The Three (Zinoviev - Kamenev - Stalin)
The Troika was formed after the third stroke of Vladimir Lenin. For a short time, Zinoviev managed to become the de facto leader of the Communist Party, and the state as a whole. The Troika launched a large-scale struggle with Trotsky, who at that time was considered one of the leader’s most likely successors and was dangerous, since it was in his hands that the army was located.
The group of Trotsky's supporters in the Central Committee was becoming smaller and smaller, Zinoviev and Stalin actually isolated him from party work. In anticipation of the 13th Party Congress, he also lost the pre-Congress discussion. Taking advantage of the temporary split between Zinoviev and Stalin, Trotsky began a "literary discussion", but he also lost it.
Intra-party struggle 1923-1924
Around Trotsky, the romantic ideal of a revolutionary and a second person in the state was created, so he expectedly decided to rely on ideological slogans. But Trotsky never managed to win over the majority in the party, although he was very popular among students. Under the influence of Trotsky, the so-called “seven” took shape. It was then about the danger of a military coup.
The appearance of the anti-Trotskyist “seven”
Immediately after the death of Lenin, several political groups formed, each of which hoped to concentrate all power in its hands. The inner-party struggle in the 1920s was just beginning. The groups of “Trotskyists”, “Zinovievites”, “Stalinists” and “Bukharinites” formed. The Troika teamed up with Bukharin, Tomsky and Rykov, as well as Kuybyshev, who was only a candidate member of the Politburo, forming the Seven. The solution of all the most important questions was transferred from the Central Committee to the Seven. The actual leader of the Seven was Zinoviev.
The announcement of the "testament of Lenin" in 1924
For the first time, “Letters to the Congress” (the so-called “testament” of Lenin) was announced on May 21, 1924. Lenin advised removal of Stalin from the post of Secretary General, singled out the main leaders, but did not name his successor. In fact, the announcement of the document was not beneficial to any of the persons mentioned in it. But Stalin’s career was saved by Zinoviev, who assured that “the fears of the leader of the world proletariat against Comrade Stalin were not confirmed.” By a majority of votes, it was decided to leave Stalin as Secretary General.
Trotsky's crushing defeat
The next stage of the internal party struggle in the 1920s was the defeat of Trotsky. He remained not just in the minority, but practically alone, in addition, he was persecuted. In the presidium of the congress, the opposition, in fact, was represented only by Trotsky. He found a way to answer, but the party did not support speech. Moreover, some deputies accused Trotsky of promoting the slogan "beat the old."
The first split in the "troika" (Zinoviev - Kamenev - Stalin)
Stalin, unlike Trotsky or Zinoviev, had no interest in political strife. The split between the comrades-in-arms occurred against the backdrop of the incorrect mention of Lenin's quote by Kamenev. Stalin launched a rather aggressive attack on his own allies immediately after the defeat of their common rival - Trotsky. But Zinoviev, more sophisticated in oratory, was able to achieve recognition of the statements of the future head of state as erroneous. Stalin decided to form a political alliance with Bukharin.
"Literary discussion" in the fall of 1924
Trotsky considered the split in the "troika" a good time for a counterattack. The inner-party struggle in the 1920s did not stop for a single day. He published The Lessons of October, where he reminded everyone of his role as one of the organizers of the revolution. Bukharin also joined the "literary discussion", followed by publications by Stalin and Zinoviev. But as a result, Zinoviev, Kamenev and Trotsky only mutually denigrated each other. Stalin, on the other hand, took a neutral position, protecting Trotsky from attacks by Zinoviev, and in Zinoviev, from Trotsky’s aggression.
"Lenin appeal" and the mass party
Lenin retained a relatively small number of parties (and after the general purge, the number of party members almost halved), but after his death the course was radically expanded. The Communist Party from a small group began to turn into a mass organization. During the "Leninist draft" workers were recruited directly to the party "from the machine". The number of CPSU (b) reached 1,674 million people by the 30th year, i.e. increased 2.5 times. Most of them were individuals who hoped to make a party career. Moreover, the educational level fell catastrophically. Now, only 0.06% of the members of the CPSU (B.) Had a higher education, and the number of deputies with party membership was reduced to 2%. In fact, this meant the loss of real power.
Stalin vs Bukharin
In 1925, the "seven" broke up, Stalin teamed up with the so-called "right" (Tomsky, Rykov and Bukharin), but not for long. In 1928, the mood changed dramatically. Against the backdrop of failures in foreign policy, the country was seized by a panic than Stalin and used to finally defeat the “left”. The congress, which for the first time stated that the party has no opposition, was held in 1934. Then all former oppositionists got the opportunity to “confess to mistakes” and be accepted into the party again. Then Rykov, Tomsky, Kamenev, Zinoviev, Preobrazhensky and others made flattering speeches addressed to Stalin .
The results and consequences of the internal party struggle
The results of the internal party struggle in the 1920s were clearly outlined by 1929. Remaining as Secretary General, which under Lenin was exclusively technical, Stalin was able to concentrate all power in his hands. So, since 1929 in the USSR the sole Stalinist regime was established. In short, the internal party struggle in the 1920s was won by the one who was able to skillfully manipulate public opinion and systematically establish control over the entire party apparatus.