The constitutional crisis of 1993 is called the confrontation that arose between the main forces that existed at that time in the Russian Federation. Among the warring parties were the head of state Boris Yeltsin, who was supported by the government led by Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin and the mayor of the capital, Yuri Luzhkov, some people's deputies, on the other hand, were the leadership of the Supreme Council, as well as the vast majority of people's deputies, whose position was formulated by Ruslan Khasbulatov . Also on the side of Yeltsin’s opponents was Vice President Alexander Rutskoi.
Background of the crisis
In fact, events that began to develop back in 1992 led to the constitutional crisis of 1993. The climax occurred on October 3 and 4, 1993, when armed clashes took place in the very center of the capital, as well as near the Ostankino television center. There were no casualties. The turning point was the assault on the House of Soviets by the troops that sided with President Boris Yeltsin, which led to even greater casualties, including civilians.
The prerequisites for the constitutional crisis of 1993 were outlined when the parties could not come to a consensus on many key issues. In particular, they dealt with various ideas about reforming the state, methods of social and economic development of the country as a whole.
President Boris Yeltsin insisted on an early adoption of a constitution that would consolidate a strong presidential power, making the Russian Federation virtually a presidential republic. Yeltsin was also a supporter of liberal reforms in the economy, a complete rejection of the planned principle that existed under the Soviet Union.
In turn, the People’s Deputies and the Supreme Council insisted that all power, at least until the adoption of the constitution, should be retained by the Congress of People’s Deputies. People’s deputies also thought that they should not rush with reforms, were against rash decisions, the so-called shock therapy in the economy, for which the Yeltsin team advocated.
The main argument of the adherents of the Supreme Council was one of the articles of the constitution, which argued that the Congress of People's Deputies was the highest authority in the country at that time.
Yeltsin, in turn, promised to abide by the constitution, but it severely limited his rights; he called it "constitutional ambiguity."
Reasons for the crisis
It is worth recognizing that even today, after many years, there is no consensus on what were the main causes of the constitutional crisis of 1992-1993. The fact is that the participants in those events put forward various, often completely diametrical assumptions.
For example, Ruslan Khasbulatov, who at that time was the head of the Supreme Council, argued that the main cause of the 1993 constitutional crisis was failed economic reforms. In his opinion, the government suffered a complete failure in this matter. At the same time, the executive branch, as Khasbulatov noted, tried to relieve itself of responsibility by transferring the blame for failed reforms to the Supreme Council.
The head of the presidential administration Sergei Filatov had a different position on the constitutional crisis of 1993. Answering the question of what served as the catalyst in 2008, he noted that the president and his supporters tried in a civilized way to change the parliament that existed in the country at that time. But the people's deputies opposed this, which actually led to rebellion.
The prominent security official of those years, Alexander Korzhakov, who led the security service of President Boris Yeltsin, was one of his closest assistants, and he saw other causes of the 1992-1993 constitutional crisis. He noted that the head of state was forced to sign a decree on the dissolution of the Supreme Council, since the deputies themselves forced him to do this, having taken a number of unconstitutional steps. As a result, the situation escalated as much as possible, only the political and constitutional crisis of 1993 could resolve it. The conflict itself has been outlined for a long time, the life of ordinary people in the country has worsened every day, and the executive and legislative powers in the country could not find a common language. The constitution was completely outdated by that time, so decisive action was required.
Speaking about the causes of the constitutional crisis of 1992-1993, Deputy Speaker of the Supreme Council Yuri Voronin and People's Deputy Nikolai Pavlov cited, among other reasons, the Congress’s repeated refusals to ratify the Bialowieza Agreement, which actually led to the collapse of the USSR. It even got to the point that the group of people's deputies, headed by Sergey Baburin, filed a lawsuit in the Constitutional Court, demanding that the ratification of the agreement between the presidents of Ukraine, Russia and Belarus, which was signed in Belovezhskaya Pushcha, be illegal. However, the court did not consider the appeal, the constitutional crisis of 1993 began, the situation in the country changed dramatically.
Deputy congress
Many historians are inclined to believe that the VII Congress of People's Deputies is the actual beginning of the constitutional crisis in Russia in 1992-1993. He began his work in December 1992. It was on it that the conflict of powers passed into the public domain, became open and obvious. The end of the constitutional crisis of 1992-1993. associated with the official approval of the Constitution of the Russian Federation as early as December 93rd.
From the very beginning of the Congress, its participants began to sharply criticize the government of Yegor Gaidar. Despite this, on December 9, Yeltsin nominated Gaidar to the post of chairman of his government, but the Congress rejected his candidacy.
The next day, Yeltsin spoke at the Congress, criticizing the work of deputies. He proposed holding an all-Russian referendum on the confidence of the people in him, and also tried to disrupt the further work of the Congress, having taken some part of the deputy corps out of the hall.
On December 11, the head of the Constitutional Court, Valery Zorkin, initiated negotiations between Yeltsin and Khasbulatov. A compromise was found. The parties decided that the Congress would freeze part of the constitutional amendments, which were supposed to significantly limit the powers of the president, and also agreed to hold a referendum in the spring of 1993.
On December 12, a resolution was adopted that regulated the stabilization of the existing constitutional system. It was decided that the deputies would select three candidates for the post of prime minister, and a referendum would be held on April 11, which should approve the key provisions of the constitution.
On December 14, Viktor Chernomyrdin was approved by the head of government.
Impeachment to Yeltsin
At that time, practically no one knew the word "impeachment" in Russia, but in fact in the spring of 1993 the deputies made an attempt to remove him from power. This was an important stage in the 1993 constitutional crisis.
On March 12, already at the Eighth Congress, a resolution was adopted on constitutional reform, which actually reversed the previous decision of the Congress to stabilize the situation.
In response to this, Yeltsin recorded a televised address in which he announced that he was introducing a special procedure for governing the country, as well as the suspension of the current constitution. Three days later, the Constitutional Court rules that the actions of the head of state are not constitutional, seeing clear grounds for the resignation of the head of state.
On March 26, people's deputies gathered at the next Extraordinary Congress. It was decided to call an early presidential election, a vote was organized to dismiss Yeltsin from office. But the impeachment attempt was a failure. By the time of the vote, the text of the decree had been published, which did not contain any violations of the constitutional order, so the formal grounds for removal from office were no longer available.
However, the vote was still held. To make a decision on impeachment, 2/3 of the deputies had to vote for him, that is 689 people. Only 617 supported the project.
After the failure of the impeachment, a referendum was announced.
All-Russian referendum
The referendum is scheduled for April 25th. For many Russians, he was remembered by the formula "YES-YES-NO-YES." That is exactly what Yeltsin’s supporters suggested answering the questions posed. The questions in the bulletins were as follows (given verbatim):
Do you trust the President of the Russian Federation B.N. Yeltsin?
Do you approve of the socio-economic policy pursued by the President of the Russian Federation and the Government of the Russian Federation since 1992?
Do you consider it necessary to hold early elections of the president of the Russian Federation?
Do you consider it necessary to hold early elections of people's deputies of the Russian Federation?
The referendum was attended by 64% of voters. Confidence in Yeltsin was expressed by 58.7% of those who voted; 53% approved the socio-economic policy.
Only 49.5% voted for early presidential elections. No decision was made, and early voting for deputies was not supported, although 67.2% spoke in favor of this issue, but according to the legislation then in force, in order to decide on early elections, it was necessary to enlist the support of half of all voters, not just those that came to the sites.
On April 30, a draft new constitution was published, which, however, was significantly different from that which was submitted at the end of the year.
And on May 1, Labor Day, a mass rally of Yeltsin’s opponents was held in the capital, which was suppressed by riot police. Several people died. The Supreme Council insisted on the dismissal of Interior Minister Viktor Yerin, but Yeltsin refused to resign.
Constitutional violation
In the spring of events began to develop actively. September 1, President Yeltsin removes Rutsky from the duties of vice president. At the same time, the constitution in force at that time did not allow the vice president to be removed. The formal reason was Rutskoi’s accusations of corruption, which as a result were not confirmed, the submitted documents turned out to be fake.
Two days later, the Supreme Council initiates verification of the compliance of Yeltsin’s decision to remove Rutsky with his powers. On September 21, the president signs a decree initiating constitutional reform. It orders to immediately terminate the activities of the Congress and the Supreme Council, and elections to the State Duma are scheduled for December 11 .
By issuing this decree, the president actually violated the constitution in force at that time. After that, he de jure is removed from office according to the constitution in force at that time. The Presidium of the Supreme Council recorded this fact. The Supreme Council also secures the support of the Constitutional Court, which confirms the thesis that the president’s actions are unconstitutional. Yeltsin ignores these statements, de facto continuing to fulfill the duties of the president.
Power passes to Rutskoi
On September 22, the Supreme Council votes on the bill on the termination of the powers of the president and the transfer of power to Rutskoi. In response to this, the next day, Boris Yeltsin announces the early presidential elections, which are scheduled for June 1994. This again contradicts the current legislation, because decisions on early elections can only be made by the Supreme Council.
The situation is aggravated after an attack by supporters of people's deputies at the headquarters of the CIS Joint Armed Forces. As a result of the collision, two people die.
September 24 again meets the Extraordinary Congress of People's Deputies. They claim the termination of Yeltsin’s powers as president and the transfer of power to Rutsky. Yeltsin’s actions qualify as a coup.
In response, September 29, Yeltsin announces the creation of the Central Election Commission for the State Duma elections and the appointment of Nikolai Ryabov as its chairman.
Culmination of conflict
The constitutional crisis in Russia in 1993 reaches its apogee on October 3-4. On the eve of Rutskoi, she signed a decree dismissing Chernomyrdin from the post of prime minister.
The next day, supporters of the Supreme Council seize the city hall in Moscow, located on Novy Arbat. Police open fire on demonstrators.
Then follows a failed attempt to storm the Ostankino television center, after which Boris Yeltsin imposes a state of emergency in the country. On this basis, armored vehicles enter Moscow. The building of the House of Soviets is stormed, which leads to numerous casualties. According to official information, there are about 150 of them, according to eyewitnesses, there can be much more. The Russian parliament is being shot from tanks.
On October 4, the leaders of the Supreme Council - Rutskoi and Khasbulatov - surrender. They are placed in a pre-trial detention center in Lefortovo.
Constitutional reform
On this the constitutional crisis of 1993 continues, it is obvious that we must act immediately. On October 5, the Moscow Council was dissolved, prosecutor general Valentin Stepankov was dismissed, and Alexei Kazannik was appointed to replace him. Heads of regions supporting the Supreme Council are dismissed. Bryansk, Belgorod, Novosibirsk, Amur, Chelyabinsk regions are deprived of their leaders.
October 7, Yeltsin signs a decree on the beginning of a phased reform of the constitution, in fact taking over the functions of the legislative branch. Members of the Constitutional Court, headed by the chairman, resign themselves.
Important is the decree on the reform of local governments, as well as representative authorities, which the president signs on October 9. Elections to the Federation Council are called for, a referendum is held on the draft constitution.
New constitution
The main consequence of the 1993 constitutional crisis is the adoption of a new constitution. On December 12, in a referendum, it is supported by 58% of citizens. In fact, the new history of Russia begins from here.
December 25, the document was officially published. Elections to the upper and lower houses of parliament are also taking place. January 11, 1994 they begin their work. In the elections to the federal parliament, the Liberal Democratic Party wins a convincing victory. Also, places in the Duma receive the electoral bloc "Choice of Russia", the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, "Women of Russia", the Agrarian Party of Russia, the Yavlinsky, Boldyrev and Lukin bloc, the Party of Russian Unity and Consent and the Democratic Party of Russia. The turnout in the elections was almost 55%.
February 23, all participants are released, having previously amnestied.