The reforms of Speransky became a real peak of government transformations at the beginning of the reign of Alexander I. The son of a simple priest from the village, he worked hard to become a famous lawyer and make a dizzying administrative career.
In 1807, Speransky was already one of those close to the emperor, almost daily talking with him, and discussing draft reforms. His opinion was often decisive for Alexander I when choosing candidates for government posts. He also had ill-wishers who believed that he owned the will of the emperor and ruled Russia himself. But in reality, he only, albeit very talented, carried out the instructions of Alexander I. Speransky’s political views were as uncertain as the views of the emperor himself. On the one hand, they wanted to make Russia a truly European power, and on the other, they understood that the country was not yet ready for drastic transformations. Speransky, as a fan of Napoleon and his ideas, believed that in a country with a predominance of captive population, there could be no talk of a real monarchy. However, he also understood that if the peasant question was sharply resolved, the autocratic power of the emperor would be limited, and therefore he behaved with extreme caution.
Speransky's political reforms were developed and submitted to the emperor only in 1809. In a new project, he pointed out that in connection with the revolutions that shook Europe, the transformation in Russia can no longer be postponed.
Speransky’s reforms primarily concerned the separation of several branches of government (judicial, executive, legislative) through the convening of the State Duma and the introduction of judicial elected bodies. He also considered the creation of the Council of State, which would interconnect the central and local governments with the emperor, as of paramount importance. Speransky's reforms, however, gave all these new bodies only deliberative right. They did not affect the autocratic power of the emperor.
Speransky and his reforms, which were liberal in nature, of course, had not only supporters. They were opposed by nobles conservative. In the transformation, they saw a threat to their position and to the autocratic-feudal system in general. The historian and writer N. M. Karamzin, as the main ideologist of the conservatives, presented the emperor a note in which he asked (and even insisted) to maintain the former order, thereby preserving autocracy and serfdom.
Speransky’s reforms also met with resistance from Count A. A. Arakcheev, close to Alexander I. The count, on the contrary, believed that in order to strengthen the emperor’s power, the existing bureaucratic system should be further developed. The struggle between conservatives and liberals ended in defeat for the latter. And their ideologist was removed from public affairs and sent into exile.
Speransky’s reforms were implemented in only one issue: in 1810, the State Council was established. It consisted of ministers and other senior dignitaries by appointment of the emperor himself. The functions of the Council of State consisted in meetings regarding the development of new laws and the interpretation of the meaning of laws already adopted. He also dealt with the distribution of finances between the ministries, reviewed the ministerial reports for the year before submitting them to the emperor. The listed functions remained with the State Council until 1906.
In general, the reforms carried out in the country from 1802 to 1811 did not change the essence of its political system. On the contrary, they made the state apparatus even more centralized. The supreme legislative and executive power remained with the emperor.