The North Caucasus is the most multinational territory of the Russian state. Such a factor causes the danger of the territorial integrity of the country in the event of interethnic, religious and ethnic conflicts. This could not but be reflected when the domestic policy of Russia in the North Caucasus was formed in the 90s of the 20th century.
National composition of the North Caucasus
The North Caucasus occupies one of the leading places in terms of the number of people living on its territory. Analyzing demographic statistics, we can conclude that the number of residents of the Caucasus increases exponentially. So, in 2002, about 6 million people lived here. A census conducted in 2010 witnessed a huge jump in the growth of this indicator to 14.8 million people.
The national composition of the North Caucasus is diverse. This is due to the fact that it includes 7 large regions: Ingushetia, Chechnya, North Ossetia, Dagestan, Chechnya, Kabardino-Balkaria, Stavropol Territory, Karachay-Cherkessia. At the same time, the population of Dagestan is about 3,000,000 people, Chechnya - more than 1 million inhabitants.
On such a compact territory, more than 150 nations, ethnic groups and indigenous peoples are concentrated. Very often, large confrontations arise among the inhabitants of the region, which develop into irreconcilable conflicts. In addition, after the collapse of the USSR , a trend arose in the confrontation between the Muslim world and the Orthodox world, which led to the outflow of Russian residents from the territory of the Caucasus. Thus, the domestic policy of Russia in the North Caucasus in the 90s had objective reasons that required lightning-fast resolution.
Reasons for increasing confrontation in the North Caucasus
After the collapse of the USSR, the North Caucasus had a wide range of unresolved issues. In other words, the democratic processes that affected the entire territory of Russia met with numerous problems that impeded the development of the region.
Firstly, the domestic policy of Russia in the North Caucasus in the 90s was not fully thought out. Despite the fact that the inhabitants of the region had all the rights on a par with the Russian population, the authorities had an unshakable opinion that representatives of these peoples could not carry out a competent policy on the territory of the subject. In other words, the federal authorities completely did not trust local officials who lived originally in the North Caucasus. The only way to resolve the situation was found in the form of government control of republics by officials from Moscow.
In addition, we should not forget that the ill-conceived domestic policy in the North Caucasus has become a stumbling block in the economic development of the subject. The development of the industrial complex took place according to the residual principle. In addition, the population became the owner of a dilapidated ecological system, looted natural resources. The social infrastructure of the region did not stand out. Most small towns and villages did not have schools and hospitals, which left an imprint on the well-being of the population. All this was a consequence of the fact that domestic policy in the North Caucasus was not completely worked out by the federal authorities.
Secondly, on the territory of this region there were unresolved problems associated with repressed citizens during the Second World War. Neither federal nor local authorities sent from Moscow tried to resolve such an incident, which fueled an already confrontational atmosphere.
Thirdly, the economic backwardness of the region significantly affected the well-being of the population. Non-payment of wages, unemployment became the determinants of the development of drunkenness, crime, drug addiction and other social problems.
Fourth, territorial problems began to worsen. Numerous peoples began to lay claim to neighboring territories, to disputed lands. Separate peoples began to make more claims, including Ossetians, Lezgins, Nogais, etc.
Fifthly, the growth of unemployment, which caused an increase in crime and terrorism. This has become a problem both at the local and federal levels. The tendency towards the emergence of religious-national groups, which began to exert a direct influence on officials, lobbying for their interests, intensified.
All these facts required that the domestic policy of Russia in the North Caucasus change. The reasons are not limited to the listed list, as the tension increased every year.
Black page in the history of Chechnya
Russia's domestic policy in the North Caucasus does not seem complete without an analysis of the events that unfolded in the 90s in Chechnya. The complication of relations in the region occurred during the reign of Dudayev, when the policy of genocide of the Russian, Jewish and Armenian population living in this territory was carried out. Since infringement of the rights of peoples is a direct and flagrant violation of international and Russian law, the policy of oppression was not brought to the official level, but was not suppressed by the existing authorities and law enforcement agencies.
The purge of the Russian-speaking population was comprehensive in the capital of the region, the city of Grozny. Families were looted and attacked. Murders became commonplace. This became the basis for the diversion of the educated population, which constituted the backbone for the economic, scientific and cultural development of the subject. Thus, the period of Dudaev’s reign can be considered a black page in the history of the North Caucasus.
Revolution in Chechnya, or First Steps to Conflict Resolution in the North Caucasus
The radical policy of Dudaev could not remain without the responses of the opposition forces, which were increasing their influence. In the spring, the opposition was ready to hold a referendum on all pressing issues that related to the future life of Chechnya. However, Dudaev decided to switch to violent methods of combating dissent, which caused numerous casualties among the population.
Dudaev’s powerful equipment was sent to the police building, which contained documentation for a future referendum. Tanks destroyed the building. Police officers were killed. This was the final point, which confirmed the end of the peace process in the region.
Russia's domestic policy in the North Caucasus has moved into a more aggressive channel. The opposition has secured the support of the Kremlin. The first units of Russian military equipment arrived in the region, a campaign was planned for the capital of Chechnya. However, he was completely failed. Dudaev was fully prepared to repel the opposition’s military might. Opposition forces suffered enormous technical and human losses. The spirit of the army was suppressed.
First Chechen War
After the failure of the operation in Chechnya, Russia's domestic policy in the North Caucasus was changed, the reasons for which were constantly changing. The primary role on the new branch of the conflict began to play Russian troops, who were supposed to enter the territory of Grozny as peacekeeping forces. But that did not happen.
Generals and officers pursued their interests. Russian military forces received both their supporters and tough opponents. Among the army, the slogan “Russians against Chechens” was strengthened, which was the main fallacy of ordinary soldiers. Over time, the opposition, which supported Russia, sided with Dudayev. But, despite this, the numerical and military power of the Russian forces was several times stronger.
Numerous attacks on Grozny, mopping-up operations made it possible to proclaim a military administration on the territory of Chechnya, to which control was transferred. Such a denouement was disadvantageous to the Kremlin, since there was a risk of strengthening the power of the military junta. In the 90s, the domestic policy of Russia in the North Caucasus, in short, turned in a different direction. The offensive of the Basayev forces began, which caused the loss of Russian troops and, as a result, the conclusion of the Khasavyurt agreements.
The results of the first Chechen war
Of course, the Chechen war did not pass without a trace. The transformation turned out to be very impressive. Firstly, there was a reshuffle of political forces in the region. Democratic forces completely lost support in Chechnya. All opposition figures were either killed during the armed conflicts or fled to Moscow. In addition, the very idea of democratic transformation in a conservative republic, where religious groups ruled, fell.
Secondly, there was no unity among the nationalist Islamist groups. This is due to the fact that the radical orientation of Islam, Wahhabism, has become widespread. Its representatives proclaimed a policy of jihad in the territory of Chechnya. The most ardent supporter was Basayev, who was followed by radically-minded youth.
Thus, it can be stated that the domestic policy of Russia in the North Caucasus of 1990-2011 brought significant changes to the life of the region.
In anticipation of a new war in Chechnya
By the beginning of the 21st century, the situation in Chechnya had worsened. Basayev’s group began to gain more authority. Grozny became a hotbed of terrorists. The threat has become comprehensive. Thus, the domestic policy of Russia in the North Caucasus, in short, was supposed to meet new challenges and threats.
The last straw that played a decisive role was the invasion of Dagestan. The conservative forces of the region, led by Kadyrov, intensified. They were able to rethink the idea of the national state of Chechnya, imposing a false ideology on Wahhabism and the policy of jihad.
Second Chechen War
The conservative forces of Chechnya, despite their own views, were able to rethink the alliance with Russia. A strong army, developed military tactics have become an excellent tool in the fight against radicals. Kadyrov’s supporters meekly surrendered their territories to the Russian military, thereby providing comprehensive assistance in the armed conflict. Over time, CRI came under the control of the Russian military. Maskhadov - the leader of the republic - went over to the Wahhabi side, having gone underground. In 2005, it was liquidated.
The results of the Chechen war
As a result of the war in Chechnya, Akhmad Kadyrov came to power . In 2003, according to the results of democratic elections, the leader was proclaimed president of the Chechen Republic. Close cooperation with Russia has given its advantages. The restoration of the region’s infrastructure has begun. Civilians were able to receive social services in full. In addition, there was a consolidation of power. Democratic, conservative groups came to a common denominator, which guaranteed political stability in Chechnya.
The negative consequences of the Chechen war
In Chechnya , the beginnings of the formation of an authoritarian state are noted. The personality of the leader of the republic is being culted. Gang groups have not been exterminated either. The North Caucasus is still considered the “cauldron" of terrorism. Suicide bombings cause numerous casualties among civilians.
Thus, we can conclude that the domestic policy of the Russian Federation in the North Caucasus has substantially transformed. However, problems still exist today. Only full attention to this subject will help stabilize the situation in the multinational region of Russia.